Family of Andok Cotkar fought in Rojava: Turkey didn't bring anything other than death

2023-01-09 10:12:44


	 

	NEWS CENTER - Family of Konstantin Gedig who went to North and East Syria to fight against ISIS, died in a Turkish attack and whose body was not recovered yet, said: "Turkey didn't bring anything to Rojava other than death."

	 

	After the attacks on Shengal on August 3, 2014, ISIS headed towards the cities of Northern and Eastern Syria on September 15, 2014. However, these attacks marked the beginning of the defeat of ISIS. ISIS suffered a great defeat with an internationalist resistance led by the Kurds in Kobanê.

	 

	This time, however, the Turkish attacks began. Targeting Northern and Eastern Syria with the statement “Kobani is about to fall”, President Erdoğan from the AKP then ordered an attack on the cities of Northern and Eastern Syria. The concept, which started with Afrin and continued with Girê Spî and Serêkaniyê, continues today with air strikes against Northern and Eastern Syria.

	 

	The internationalist struggle, which started with people joining the ranks of the YPG and YPJ from all over the world, continued after ISIS. Konstantin Gedig, who is from Kiel, Germany, was very much effected by the attacks of ISIS against Yazidis and Kobanê, came to Northern and Eastern Syria and joined the YPG Rojava International Commune. Konstantin Gedig, who learned Kurdish here, later took the name Andok Cotkar. Andok Cotkar, who has been working as a paramedic there for many years, later took part in the armed struggle. Andok Cotkar lost his life in Turkey's airstrike on the Martyr Roj Hospital in Serêkaniyê on October 16, 2019. However, after the attack, the body of Andok Cotkar could not be found after the region came under the control of Turkey.

	 

	The mother of the internationalist revolutionary, who made a mark in the history of Rojava resistance, Ute Ruß and his father, Thomas Gedig, answered our questions about what they went through after losing Andok Cotkar, and Turkey's attacks on Northern and Eastern Syria after ISIS.

	 

	 Can you first tell us about Konstantin, what kind of a child he was? Could you see that he would be a freedom fighter when he grew up even when he was a child? People like that usually demonstrates a great sense of justice from childhood?

	 

	Konstantin was our dream child. His name means "the steady", "the steadfast". Nomen est omen. We could not have given our firstborn a more fitting name. He took his time with important decisions, but once recognised as right, he stuck to it. Konsti was already extremely inquisitive and strong-willed as a toddler. He taught himself how to ride a bicycle when he was three years old: a neighbour had offered a tiny little bicycle for sale. He borrowed it, came home with scraped skin on his face and arms and was indignant about the bike. It had thrown him off. But he got back on it and by the end of the day he could ride. His teacher's recollection of a school trip at the end of the first year of school is always nice. She wondered why one child was missing. It was our son who had stopped in front of a kiosk to decipher what, of all things, the tabloid newspaper BILD- had to announce. Even today we laugh heartily about it. Konsti read an insane amount. We constantly provided him with new reading material. There was always a box of books in the room from which he helped himself and then told us what he had learned.  Our son also had a strong sense of justice. This was already noticeable when he was still a toddler. For example, he had heard something about a "battle racket" and wanted to know what it was. We answered him that it was a loud commotion of many people fighting and hurting each other. Konsti said, "War is shit." He was four years old then. Growing up, he always had a book in his jacket. He read on the bus, at the station, in the car. There are many photos of this. So Konstantin was a well-read young man with a quick grasp of things. Everyone who had anything to do with him noticed that. Of course, the books also constantly expanded his vocabulary, so that he used to express himself eloquently. This was also helpful when learning the foreign languages English, Latin, Ancient Greek and later also Kurmanci. Konstantin loved to debate. He did not shy away from verbal disputes and liked to sharpen his intellectual and argumentative sword to test its sharpness. He took great pleasure in it. He also liked to laugh and had a subtle, wonderfully dry sense of humour. 

	 

	 Can you tell us a few examples of your memories with him?

	 

	We remember that he was in the 10th or 11th grade when the subject was the art of rhetoric in antiquity. The task was to justify an immoral act. No one wanted to sign up for the study group. And so it happened that our son competed alone against the class, although he rejected the act that had to be defended. This was not atypical for Konsti. He was no ordinary pupil, no mainstream person. It was characteristic of him that he sometimes looked at things differently, did not accept everything uncritically, but also questioned things. He was courageous and put himself in uncomfortable situations, but also derived a certain satisfaction from them, as in this example: the class had not managed to stand up to him. He prevailed with his argumentation. He thought that was good.  Another example: In the 9th or 10th grade, the art teacher set the task of folding a kiosk out of solid paper and filling it out with other folded, geometric shapes. Konsti's newspaper stand stood out because of its details. For example, he made a small rubbish bin on the outside wall of his stand. On the wall above the bin he painted a swastika. This swastika was half sunk into the dustbin. A little man was drawn next to it and pushed the swastika into the bin (where it belonged). During that time, this anti-Nazi graffito was often seen in the city. We remember that we had talked about it at the kitchen table. Anyway, Konsti used this symbol as a graffito in his art project. Unexpectedly, he made a big stink with the art teacher (so much for interdisciplinary teaching). When Konsti refused to redesign the kiosk wall, we parents were called in by the art teacher. The teacher did not want any political symbols in art lessons. We could not understand the criticism of the use of the swastika in the context described. The statement was politically correct, Konsti's powers of observation were excellent and topical, and the teacher's assignment was relevant to the present. In short: we could not find anything wrong with it.  But that's what he was: our son. When Konstantin had recognised something as right for him, he remained steadfast. Even if it brought him disadvantages.  This otherness was not always easy for his classmates and his teachers, one could also say: it was uncomfortable. For his peers, he was the type who always had his nose above the books, who had no desire for cigarettes, alcohol and parties, who didn't brag about girl stories, who had no desire for status symbols and useless stuff. For whom it was unimportant whether someone flew to Miami on holiday or hung around as a fourth-generation offspring at the same school as half the relatives before. He was modest. Property should be useful, not useless. He didn't want to own what he couldn't use. His clothes should not be an advertising platform of hip fashion labels. Even as a child, he rejected clothes with flashy labels. Konsti was good-natured and had a lot of patience with the impatience of those around him. He was a fine fellow, a very special person. 

	 

	 Can you tell us how he decided to go to Rojava and why he chose to go there? Was he involved in politics before he went there? What was his focus?

	 

	We parents were involved in party politics, we talked a lot about politics at the dinner table. Often there were discussions about who could read which part of the daily newspaper first at the breakfast table. Konstantin showed great interest in politics, but was an independent spirit, not bound by party politics. Later he even browsed through a rather conservative newspaper of his boss. We thought it was good. We always told the children: "Get your bearings from several media. That's the only way you can get a realistic picture of the situation. "We can't say for sure when our Konsti decided to go to Rojava. From memory, however, we would say today that our son was very preoccupied with the massacres of the Yazidi population in Shingal and also with the IS attack on Kobane. It was the suffering of the defenceless people and the appalling inaction of the major players here in the affluent states that shamefully abandoned northern and eastern Syria with Rojava and continue to do so today. Our son announced to us his decision not to go to Rojava and join the YPG. When he was on the plane, he sent us a photo and wrote that he wanted to fight IS. We were blindsided. It was a big shock. A day before, he had been with us. We saw a tree-length, friendly young man with blond fuzzy hair and a red Barbarossa beard with a deep voice and a cosy smile. He was so happy when he stood up next to his dad and they noticed that the son finally outweighed the father by 1 or 2 cm. We can't even describe how much we miss our Konstantin! It was only later that we understood and respected why he had left. It was simply unbearable how the IS enslaved and murdered the people and especially the women. We are very proud of our boy, known in Rojava as Andok Cotkar! He trained as a frontline medic to help the injured Hevals at the front and also the people in the villages. We also understood that he could not stand by and watch the Turkish state and its terrorist allies invade Rojava once again in October 2019. As we have heard, Konsti/Andok and his unit secured the evacuation of the Şehîd Roj Hospital in Serêkaniyê. The Islamist mercenary groups allied with the Turks had entered the city. For the hospital staff and the injured, this would have meant certain death. A former nurse at the Şehîd Roj hospital who had worked there during those days will be grateful to Konstantin/Andok and the (fallen) Hevals all her life. She said that without people like him the world would be miserable and that our son was a hero. We often had to deal with this assessment after Konsti's/Andok’s death. As German parents, we were naturally very sceptical about the use of the term "hero" with our specific German history. That has changed in the meantime. We appreciate Konstantin's/Andok’s great commitment to the people in Rojava and Shingal, have the greatest respect for our son's life's work and think of him with great love. The Kurdish community in our city had initially expressed concern whether we would not be angry with "the Kurds". Perhaps they were worried that our anger over Konstantin's/Andok’s death would be directed against "the Kurds" or Kurdistan. But no, we are not angry with them, with the YPG or the YBŞ. It was Konstantin's own well-considered and respectable decision. We parents learned what great things self-government does in northern and eastern Syria. It is nothing but the most democratic concept in the whole region and comes very close to the social models we live by in Europe. Therefore, it is worth every effort and support! We have the greatest respect for the achievements of the people. 

	 

	 Konstantin was killed in a Turkish airstrike just like many other international volunteers. Some of those fighters and volunteers did not make it home and they don't have a grave like Konstantin. Now Turkey is carrying out air strikes again. What do you want to say about Turkey's attacks? What is its motivation?

	 

	As far as we know, Konstantin is the first German citizen to be killed in an attack by Turkey in north-eastern Syria, which was determined by the Bundestag and the German government alike to be contrary to international law. When the german heval Anton Leschek (Şehîd Zana Ciwan) was also killed by bombs in November 2016 by Turkey, together with the american heval Michael Israel (Şehîd Robin Agiri), the unlawfulness of international law had not yet been clearly established. Konstantin had been insanely lucky that day. As far as we know, Konsti was transporting injured people when his two comrades were killed. He was sad and shocked, just like us. We too cried for the sons of other parents. We had seen some photos of both young men before, standing together with Konsti on the Euphrates. Dedicated young men on their mission: to push back the anti-human Daesh, to protect the civilian population. It's crazy, but it was as if we knew Robin and Zana ourselves. Konsti, however, extended his service with the YPG for another six months after losing his hevals, out of respect for his two friends. Turkey is not only bringing terror and death to northern and eastern Syria with Rojava. If Erdogan wants a secure border zone, supposedly for protection and defence, then he should build it on Turkish territory! And if he has a problem with Kurds, then he should finally solve the problems in his own country. It cannot be said often enough: about 19% of the Turkish population are Kurds. They and other ethnic groups are without cultural rights and often enough without human rights in Turkey. There is a need for action there. Is the Turkish government not destroying many lives in its own country? Is it not spreading hopelessness and misery among broad sections of the population? Is it wrong to judge the autocratic system of Erdogan and thus the Turkish state as destructive? A state has the responsibility to ensure that all its citizens and neighbouring states can live in safety, that people have healthy food, that the environment remains intact and there is clean water, that there are fair and good educational opportunities, that effective health care is available, that cultural diversity can be lived and that there are decently paid jobs that move society forward. Instead of tackling these important but difficult tasks, Turkey, under the government of Erdogan, AKP, MHP, is waging inhumane, unprovoked wars of aggression, is known for the oppression and repression of dissidents and women, and is making common cause with Islamist terrorists. We are still struggling to answer the question: if Turkey's government is so inhuman, are its voters for it? It is unbelievable what hatred, especially against women, and what fear prevail in Turkey. Not even the dead "enemies" are allowed the sacred rest of the dead. We read about the desecration of graves and corpses, about the shameful treatment of relatives. When we talk about this or that here in Germany among colleagues and friends, etc., people's hair stands on end. The Turkish state wants to humiliate and belittle self-confident citizens who insist on their rights or simply want to do their job well (authors, artists, lawyers, journalists...). The "sultan" wants revenge for the disobedience of his subjects. He wants to punish to the death. In our eyes, it is pathetic and unworthy. It falls back on all those who allow this to happen. We can only say to affected, grieving parents - because we too cannot give our son a final resting place - we grieve with you. Together we have taught our children values such as compassion, fairness, respect, justice, responsibility and truthfulness. Your children were on the right side. Be proud of them! They have shown courage and determination. They have remained human! That is great and you have done everything right. The Turkish government is the criminal. 

	 

	 Your family, along with other international volunteers from Germany, sent a letter to Merkel in 2021. Did she or anyone else give a respond to it? Especially about Germany being an accomplice of Turkey.

	 

	The German Chancellor Angela Merkel had not sent an acknowledgement of receipt and never replied to the open letter from the Şehîd parents. There is a perfidious political strategy behind this: if there is nothing to quote from her, then, so to speak, our letter did not exist either. In the letter, we demanded a memorial for the life achievements of our children and other killed internationalists, the stop of arms exports to Turkey, the freezing of all economic and financial aid and the end of the Customs Union. We asked for the support of all NGOs, e.g. Medico International and the Kurdish Red Crescent, which are working in Northeast Syria. To ensure that Turkey respects international law and human rights now and in the future, we proposed a linkage. All imports from Turkey to Germany as well as work permits for Turkish civil servants who are not necessarily part of the diplomatic staff, e.g. DITIB imams, should be directly dependent on the Turkish state's compliance with international and human rights law! We also spoke out in favour of a new assessment of the PKK, referring to the ruling of the Belgian Court of Cassation of 28.01.2020. The German Şehîd parents have demanded a lot. We have exercised our civil rights and have been allowed to express our opinions freely. Dr Merkel and her supporters certainly didn't like it, but we weren't thrown in jail for it either. We thought it was important to signal that, hey, here are parents from the middle of society and we are watching you very closely. We don't know how the other Şehîd parents are currently proceeding, but we as Konstantin's parents will stay on the ball. It's important for us to know that we're not going around in circles alone, that we're organising ourselves and looking for allies. Change takes time. Our Konstantin and the others who died are a role model for us and many people because of their steadfastness, their courage and their loyalty to the people in Kurdistan. We have met really great people who strengthen us and with whom we can be active together.  In a correspondence, we as Konstantin's family stirred up a hornet's nest at the Foreign Office. There we expressed our disgust that our country is becoming a vassal and vicarious agent of autocratic Turkey. We also asked whether accusations or attributions (Islamic State) by the Turkish government would be verified by our government. After all, one cannot claim that the "Sultan's Palace" is very fond of truth. The bureaucracy in Berlin reacted very sensitively to this. But clearly: we are not diplomats, but Şehîd-parents, because it quickly became clear to us that, unfortunately, with the Green Minister Annalena Baerbock at the helm, nothing will change in the fundamental German attitude towards Ankara any time soon. We see Turkey as a state that walks over corpses (we mean that literally) and meanwhile Germany as its silent companion. Baerbock, however, does not want to go into the clinch and certainly not because of a few children. She and Interior Minister Nancy Faeser prefer to shake hands with the Turkish ministers, knowing full well that the poison gas and white phosphorus still cling to them. What has to happen for the two German female ministers to wake up and wake up? When will there finally be German sanctions? 

	 

	What have you been doing since then?

	 

	As described, we are closely following the events in the region, the crimes, but also the omissions, the inactions. We have informed the members of the Bundestag of the last and the current legislative period about Konstantin's death and the lawless circumstances. No one should be able to say that they knew nothing. It was easy to see how the parliamentary groups reacted or ignored the information. That was very revealing. Now we are building up contacts with individual members of parliament, with authors and NGOs, with activists, artists and media workers. We go to nationwide congresses and tell people about Konstantin's commitment. If such a special person gets a face, a name and also parents in solidarity, we hope that Northern and Eastern Syria with Rojava and the injustice by Turkey will also receive special attention. In this way, people became aware of us who have been dealing with the contradictions of German society and politics for a long time. Initiated by two people we did not know until January 2021, we have since been able to participate in the creation of the Konstantin Andok Literary Prize. The two friends were impressed by the young man who decided to leave his own comfort zone and commit himself to the protection and security of the people in Rojava. Konstantin's journey inspired them to realize their own project, among others, with the Konstantin Andok Literature Prize.  We are extremely pleased that despite the restrictions imposed by Covid-19, the first call for entries for the Literature Prize is being published these days. In their texts, the participants are to present what it means today to take a stand for human rights and justice - and, as Malcolm X said: "by any means necessary". What is the relationship between structural violence and the violence of resistance?  It takes an inner drive before ideals result in action. It is difficult to go against the mainstream, to stand up for convictions and overcome doubts - all this requires courage. Where does this come from, how do we shape our dreams and actions? We deal clearly and transparently with the decision and the fate of Konstantin. This has made it possible for really good and comprehensive articles to appear several times in various media. Media work is hard and emotional work for us parents, but it seems to be necessary. Rarely do our political representatives develop new concepts for action on their own. It is also rare that Otto and Erna "normal citizens" voluntarily confront themselves with something like this in their cosy living rooms. We see our public engagement as a way to meet people where they are, and that can be on the internet, in a left-alternative newspaper, in a public broadcasting programme or at a demonstration. 

	 

	There has to be public reporting, enquiries, big demos, questions to MPs, etc., otherwise nothing happens. Our new federal government is unfortunately no exception. That is why we used our press contacts after the latest wave of attacks and tried to draw attention to the renewed Turkish aggression. In consultation with Rojava, we did some networking. It's crazy how media works. If Turkey was in the news last week, it can't be in the news again this week with its crude accusations of terrorism or bombardment of civilian facilities in Rojava. It's not a war like in Ukraine. These are the systemic, also economic interests of the media. And so Erdogan can continue his subliminal war of attrition. Sad. We both realize, of course, that we can only turn the very small wheel. But if many small people in many small places take many small steps, they will change the face of the world. That is what we are counting on. And we want to be part of it, we don't want to sit back and do nothing. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe already said: "... for I have been a human being, and that means being a fighter." We fight with our means. We fit together well. We can learn from history: social and democratic achievements never came by themselves. They always had to be fought for. 

	 

	 There has been demands of the international community from their own countries to close the air space of Rojava for Turkey. Are there any developments on this in Europe? Are there enough pressure on the European governments to close the airspace?

	 

	There are many global political issues involved in this question. There are very many political variables as a result. We are both, of course, in favour of the immediate closure or shutdown of Syrian airspace over northern and eastern Syria. However, we know that Russia is a partner and supporter of the Syrian Assad government, maintains military naval and air bases in Syria, and effectively exercises dominion over Syrian airspace. To what extent this is done in more or less formal agreement with the American forces also stationed in Syria is beyond our knowledge. What is certain, however, is that Russia does not need a direct confrontation with the USA.  If it is true that Russia exercises dominion over Syrian airspace, pressure on European governments for the goal of airspace closure is unlikely to achieve much. It might be more promising to put pressure on Europe for Turkey to end its current aggression, including the ongoing threat of combat drones. Europe should be interested in sanctions against Turkey, despite its NATO membership, if the Turkish war of aggression creates the danger of new refugee movements towards Europe.  With another war of aggression by Erdogan, this is likely to be the case. Unlike in 2014/15/16, in this war it is not Assad or Daesh that are the causes of flight, but the Turkish military and the Islamists allied with it. That is why European action could have an impact. If anything is to be done in the short term for the safety of the people of Kurdistan, Europe must put effective sanctions in place against Turkey as soon as possible. 

	 

	 The fact that Turkey's attacks might revive ISIS is often discussed in the international arena. Even though this is known by the European governments, they are not standing up against Turkey. What do you think is the source of this policy?

	 

	In a letter in February 2020, we wrote to the German Foreign Office and said: "Has the Turkish state's claim that the terrorist attacks were IS actions been thoroughly verified by a German service in view of the dependence of Turkish judiciary and authorities on instructions from the Erdogan government and its MHP allies?..." and received in response:  "...With regard to the statements in your letter in which you doubt the authorship of the terrorist organisation "IS" for attacks in Turkey with reference to state deficits in Turkey, I would like to point out that such speculations can appear cynical (certainly unintentional on your part) in view of the terrorist organisation's claim of responsibility for the attack on 10 January 2017 in Istanbul with 39 fatalities alone. Other attacks in Turkey with numerous fatalities, including German tourists, can also be attributed to the so-called "IS" according to all available evidence..."  It should also be noted that the report does not refer to the authors' own findings, but only to "available findings". We think it is conceivable that in the cooperation of subordinate state agencies of European states with Turkish state institutions, there is no or little scepticism towards Turkey, a quasi collegial level of trust exists. In this respect, the criminal actions of the Erdogan government are accepted without comment, also because Turkey's NATO membership has a disproportionately high value. This "culture" also radiates to the political level. In addition, there are European allies of Erdogan, which allows Turkey to exploit the EU's unanimity principle in its favour. For example, the problematic Hungarian head of government Victor Orban prevented a unanimous decision by all EU governments against the Turkish invasion on 09.10.2019 without giving any reasons. Currently, Hungary is the only European country that has so far not agreed to Finland and Sweden joining NATO. In doing so, it is helping its equally autocratic buddy Erdogan and at the same time trying to extort billions in blocked subsidies from the EU. 

	 

	 

	A ground attack would also mean a new wave of refugees. Is there a change in the migration policies of Europe?  Can you tell us what is on the agenda of the European governments regarding a new wave of refugees?

	 

	As far as we know at the moment, there are no "noticeably" increased numbers of refugees from Kurdistan. At the moment, the increasing numbers of refugees from Ukraine dominate in Germany and the eastern countries. We do not know the EU's plans for dealing with rising refugee numbers in the future, but it is to be feared that the sealing-off policy will be intensified. As the Ukrain Russia war continues and it causes a crisis for Europe, NATO countries and UN arms Ukraine to the teeth in the face of the war crimes committed by Russia. Turkey is doing everything Russia does and probably more and for a much longer time. Why do you think the west allows Turkey's war crimes? We do not agree that Europe has been plunged into crisis because of the Russian war of aggression on Ukraine. Regardless of all the deficits in European structures, we experience the EU as surprisingly capable and willing to act. Moreover, the countries for which (corruption-related) national self-interest is more important than common European strength, for example Hungary, are becoming clearly more visible to all. Many states, shamefully also Germany, successfully practice not looking or not listening. The strategy of ignorance, i.e. having no or no knowledge of one's own, is popular. But it is only successful as long as the public accepts this active ignorance. If the West has no knowledge of Turkey's war crimes, it does not have to take a position on them. That is why courageous women demonstrating in public, massive strike action by working people and the work of courageous investigative journalists, independent media and publishers are so important. When those in power ignore state crimes, public opinion must force those in power to look and thereby act. Fortunately, all professional politicians here in the West, whether in parliament or in governments, only ever have temporary contracts limited to 4 or 5 years!